Saturday, April 11, 2015

50th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday | Selma, Alabama

Approximately 40,000 people patiently waiting for President Obama 
to arrive at the foot of the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma.

President Obama delivering an extremely historical and eloquent
speech on the 50th anniversary of Bloody Sunday.

Remarks by the President at the 50th Anniversary of the Selma to Montgomery Marches

2:17 P.M. CST
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  We love you, President Obama!
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, you know I love you back.  (Applause.) 
It is a rare honor in this life to follow one of your heroes.  And John Lewis is one of my heroes.

Now, I have to imagine that when a younger John Lewis woke up that morning 50 years ago and made his way to Brown Chapel, heroics were not on his mind.  A day like this was not on his mind.  Young folks with bedrolls and backpacks were milling about.  Veterans of the movement trained newcomers in the tactics of non-violence; the right way to protect yourself when attacked.  A doctor described what tear gas does to the body, while marchers scribbled down instructions for contacting their loved ones.  The air was thick with doubt, anticipation and fear.  And they comforted themselves with the final verse of the final hymn they sung:
“No matter what may be the test, God will take care of you;
Lean, weary one, upon His breast, God will take care of you.”
And then, his knapsack stocked with an apple, a toothbrush, and a book on government -- all you need for a night behind bars -- John Lewis led them out of the church on a mission to change America.
President and Mrs. Bush, Governor Bentley, Mayor Evans, Sewell, Reverend Strong, members of Congress, elected officials, foot soldiers, friends, fellow Americans:
As John noted, there are places and moments in America where this nation’s destiny has been decided.  Many are sites of war -- Concord and Lexington, Appomattox, Gettysburg.  Others are sites that symbolize the daring of America’s character -- Independence Hall and Seneca Falls, Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral.
Selma is such a place.  In one afternoon 50 years ago, so much of our turbulent history -- the stain of slavery and anguish of civil war; the yoke of segregation and tyranny of Jim Crow; the death of four little girls in Birmingham; and the dream of a Baptist preacher -- all that history met on this bridge. 
It was not a clash of armies, but a clash of wills; a contest to determine the true meaning of America.  And because of men and women like John Lewis, Joseph Lowery, Hosea Williams, Amelia Boynton, Diane Nash, Ralph Abernathy, C.T. Vivian, Andrew Young, Fred Shuttlesworth, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and so many others, the idea of a just America and a fair America, an inclusive America, and a generous America -- that idea ultimately triumphed.
As is true across the landscape of American history, we cannot examine this moment in isolation.  The march on Selma was part of a broader campaign that spanned generations; the leaders that day part of a long line of heroes.
We gather here to celebrate them.  We gather here to honor the courage of ordinary Americans willing to endure billy clubs and the chastening rod; tear gas and the trampling hoof; men and women who despite the gush of blood and splintered bone would stay true to their North Star and keep marching towards justice.
They did as Scripture instructed:  “Rejoice in hope, be patient in tribulation, be constant in prayer.”  And in the days to come, they went back again and again.  When the trumpet call sounded for more to join, the people came –- black and white, young and old, Christian and Jew, waving the American flag and singing the same anthems full of faith and hope.  A white newsman, Bill Plante, who covered the marches then and who is with us here today, quipped that the growing number of white people lowered the quality of the singing.  (Laughter.)  To those who marched, though, those old gospel songs must have never sounded so sweet.
In time, their chorus would well up and reach President Johnson.  And he would send them protection, and speak to the nation, echoing their call for America and the world to hear:  “We shall overcome.”  (Applause.)  What enormous faith these men and women had.  Faith in God, but also faith in America. 
The Americans who crossed this bridge, they were not physically imposing.  But they gave courage to millions.  They held no elected office.  But they led a nation.  They marched as Americans who had endured hundreds of years of brutal violence, countless daily indignities –- but they didn’t seek special treatment, just the equal treatment promised to them almost a century before.  (Applause.)
What they did here will reverberate through the ages.  Not because the change they won was preordained; not because their victory was complete; but because they proved that nonviolent change is possible, that love and hope can conquer hate.
As we commemorate their achievement, we are well-served to remember that at the time of the marches, many in power condemned rather than praised them.  Back then, they were called Communists, or half-breeds, or outside agitators, sexual and moral degenerates, and worse –- they were called everything but the name their parents gave them.  Their faith was questioned.  Their lives were threatened.  Their patriotism challenged.
And yet, what could be more American than what happened in this place?  (Applause.)  What could more profoundly vindicate the idea of America than plain and humble people –- unsung, the downtrodden, the dreamers not of high station, not born to wealth or privilege, not of one religious tradition but many, coming together to shape their country’s course? 
What greater expression of faith in the American experiment than this, what greater form of patriotism is there than the belief that America is not yet finished, that we are strong enough to be self-critical, that each successive generation can look upon our imperfections and decide that it is in our power to remake this nation to more closely align with our highest ideals?  (Applause.)
That’s why Selma is not some outlier in the American experience.  That’s why it’s not a museum or a static monument to behold from a distance.  It is instead the manifestation of a creed written into our founding documents:  “We the People…in order to form a more perfect union.”  “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”  (Applause.) 
These are not just words.  They’re a living thing, a call to action, a roadmap for citizenship and an insistence in the capacity of free men and women to shape our own destiny.  For founders like Franklin and Jefferson, for leaders like Lincoln and FDR, the success of our experiment in self-government rested on engaging all of our citizens in this work.  And that’s what we celebrate here in Selma.  That’s what this movement was all about, one leg in our long journey toward freedom.  (Applause.) 
The American instinct that led these young men and women to pick up the torch and cross this bridge, that’s the same instinct that moved patriots to choose revolution over tyranny.  It’s the same instinct that drew immigrants from across oceans and the Rio Grande; the same instinct that led women to reach for the ballot, workers to organize against an unjust status quo; the same instinct that led us to plant a flag at Iwo Jima and on the surface of the Moon.  (Applause.) 
It’s the idea held by generations of citizens who believed that America is a constant work in progress; who believed that loving this country requires more than singing its praises or avoiding uncomfortable truths.  It requires the occasional disruption, the willingness to speak out for what is right, to shake up the status quo.  That’s America.  (Applause.)  
That’s what makes us unique.  That’s what cements our reputation as a beacon of opportunity.  Young people behind the Iron Curtain would see Selma and eventually tear down that wall.  Young people in Soweto would hear Bobby Kennedy talk about ripples of hope and eventually banish the scourge of apartheid.  Young people in Burma went to prison rather than submit to military rule.  They saw what John Lewis had done.  From the streets of Tunis to the Maidan in Ukraine, this generation of young people can draw strength from this place, where the powerless could change the world’s greatest power and push their leaders to expand the boundaries of freedom. 
They saw that idea made real right here in Selma, Alabama.  They saw that idea manifest itself here in America.
Because of campaigns like this, a Voting Rights Act was passed.  Political and economic and social barriers came down.  And the change these men and women wrought is visible here today in the presence of African Americans who run boardrooms, who sit on the bench, who serve in elected office from small towns to big cities; from the Congressional Black Caucus all the way to the Oval Office.  (Applause.)   
Because of what they did, the doors of opportunity swung open not just for black folks, but for every American.  Women marched through those doors.  Latinos marched through those doors.  Asian Americans, gay Americans, Americans with disabilities -- they all came through those doors.  (Applause.)  Their endeavors gave the entire South the chance to rise again, not by reasserting the past, but by transcending the past. 
What a glorious thing, Dr. King might say.  And what a solemn debt we owe.  Which leads us to ask, just how might we repay that debt?
First and foremost, we have to recognize that one day’s commemoration, no matter how special, is not enough.  If Selma taught us anything, it’s that our work is never done.  (Applause.)  The American experiment in self-government gives work and purpose to each generation.
Selma teaches us, as well, that action requires that we shed our cynicism.  For when it comes to the pursuit of justice, we can afford neither complacency nor despair.
Just this week, I was asked whether I thought the Department of Justice’s Ferguson report shows that, with respect to race, little has changed in this country.  And I understood the question; the report’s narrative was sadly familiar.  It evoked the kind of abuse and disregard for citizens that spawned the Civil Rights Movement.  But I rejected the notion that nothing’s changed.  What happened in Ferguson may not be unique, but it’s no longer endemic.  It’s no longer sanctioned by law or by custom.  And before the Civil Rights Movement, it most surely was.  (Applause.)
We do a disservice to the cause of justice by intimating that bias and discrimination are immutable, that racial division is inherent to America.  If you think nothing’s changed in the past 50 years, ask somebody who lived through the Selma or Chicago or Los Angeles of the 1950s.  Ask the female CEO who once might have been assigned to the secretarial pool if nothing’s changed.  Ask your gay friend if it’s easier to be out and proud in America now than it was thirty years ago.  To deny this progress, this hard-won progress -– our progress –- would be to rob us of our own agency, our own capacity, our responsibility to do what we can to make America better. 
Of course, a more common mistake is to suggest that Ferguson is an isolated incident; that racism is banished; that the work that drew men and women to Selma is now complete, and that whatever racial tensions remain are a consequence of those seeking to play the “race card” for their own purposes.  We don’t need the Ferguson report to know that’s not true.  We just need to open our eyes, and our ears, and our hearts to know that this nation’s racial history still casts its long shadow upon us. 
We know the march is not yet over.  We know the race is not yet won.  We know that reaching that blessed destination where we are judged, all of us, by the content of our character requires admitting as much, facing up to the truth.  “We are capable of bearing a great burden,” James Baldwin once wrote, “once we discover that the burden is reality and arrive where reality is.” 
There’s nothing America can’t handle if we actually look squarely at the problem.  And this is work for all Americans, not just some.  Not just whites.  Not just blacks.  If we want to honor the courage of those who marched that day, then all of us are called to possess their moral imagination.  All of us will need to feel as they did the fierce urgency of now.  All of us need to recognize as they did that change depends on our actions, on our attitudes, the things we teach our children.  And if we make such an effort, no matter how hard it may sometimes seem, laws can be passed, and consciences can be stirred, and consensus can be built.  (Applause.) 
With such an effort, we can make sure our criminal justice system serves all and not just some.  Together, we can raise the level of mutual trust that policing is built on –- the idea that police officers are members of the community they risk their lives to protect, and citizens in Ferguson and New York and Cleveland, they just want the same thing young people here marched for 50 years ago -– the protection of the law.  (Applause.)  Together, we can address unfair sentencing and overcrowded prisons, and the stunted circumstances that rob too many boys of the chance to become men, and rob the nation of too many men who could be good dads, and good workers, and good neighbors.  (Applause.)
With effort, we can roll back poverty and the roadblocks to opportunity.  Americans don’t accept a free ride for anybody, nor do we believe in equality of outcomes.  But we do expect equal opportunity.  And if we really mean it, if we’re not just giving lip service to it, but if we really mean it and are willing to sacrifice for it, then, yes, we can make sure every child gets an education suitable to this new century, one that expands imaginations and lifts sights and gives those children the skills they need.  We can make sure every person willing to work has the dignity of a job, and a fair wage, and a real voice, and sturdier rungs on that ladder into the middle class.
And with effort, we can protect the foundation stone of our democracy for which so many marched across this bridge –- and that is the right to vote.  (Applause.)  Right now, in 2015, 50 years after Selma, there are laws across this country designed to make it harder for people to vote.  As we speak, more of such laws are being proposed.  Meanwhile, the Voting Rights Act, the culmination of so much blood, so much sweat and tears, the product of so much sacrifice in the face of wanton violence, the Voting Rights Act stands weakened, its future subject to political rancor.
How can that be?  The Voting Rights Act was one of the crowning achievements of our democracy, the result of Republican and Democratic efforts.  (Applause.)  President Reagan signed its renewal when he was in office.  President George W. Bush signed its renewal when he was in office.  (Applause.)  One hundred members of Congress have come here today to honor people who were willing to die for the right to protect it.  If we want to honor this day, let that hundred go back to Washington and gather four hundred more, and together, pledge to make it their mission to restore that law this year.  That’s how we honor those on this bridge.  (Applause.) 
Of course, our democracy is not the task of Congress alone, or the courts alone, or even the President alone.  If every new voter-suppression law was struck down today, we would still have, here in America, one of the lowest voting rates among free peoples.  Fifty years ago, registering to vote here in Selma and much of the South meant guessing the number of jellybeans in a jar, the number of bubbles on a bar of soap.  It meant risking your dignity, and sometimes, your life. 
What’s our excuse today for not voting?  How do we so casually discard the right for which so many fought?  (Applause.)  How do we so fully give away our power, our voice, in shaping America’s future?  Why are we pointing to somebody else when we could take the time just to go to the polling places?  (Applause.)  We give away our power.   
Fellow marchers, so much has changed in 50 years.  We have endured war and we’ve fashioned peace.  We’ve seen technological wonders that touch every aspect of our lives.  We take for granted conveniences that our parents could have scarcely imagined.  But what has not changed is the imperative of citizenship; that willingness of a 26-year-old deacon, or a Unitarian minister, or a young mother of five to decide they loved this country so much that they’d risk everything to realize its promise.
That’s what it means to love America.  That’s what it means to believe in America.  That’s what it means when we say America is exceptional. 
For we were born of change.  We broke the old aristocracies, declaring ourselves entitled not by bloodline, but endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable rights.  We secure our rights and responsibilities through a system of self-government, of and by and for the people.  That’s why we argue and fight with so much passion and conviction -- because we know our efforts matter.  We know America is what we make of it.
Look at our history.  We are Lewis and Clark and Sacajawea, pioneers who braved the unfamiliar, followed by a stampede of farmers and miners, and entrepreneurs and hucksters.  That’s our spirit.  That’s who we are.
We are Sojourner Truth and Fannie Lou Hamer, women who could do as much as any man and then some.  And we’re Susan B. Anthony, who shook the system until the law reflected that truth.  That is our character.
We’re the immigrants who stowed away on ships to reach these shores, the huddled masses yearning to breathe free –- Holocaust survivors, Soviet defectors, the Lost Boys of Sudan.  We’re the hopeful strivers who cross the Rio Grande because we want our kids to know a better life.  That’s how we came to be.  (Applause.)
We’re the slaves who built the White House and the economy of the South.  (Applause.)  We’re the ranch hands and cowboys who opened up the West, and countless laborers who laid rail, and raised skyscrapers, and organized for workers’ rights.
We’re the fresh-faced GIs who fought to liberate a continent.  And we’re the Tuskeegee Airmen, and the Navajo code-talkers, and the Japanese Americans who fought for this country even as their own liberty had been denied. 
We’re the firefighters who rushed into those buildings on 9/11, the volunteers who signed up to fight in Afghanistan and Iraq.  We’re the gay Americans whose blood ran in the streets of San Francisco and New York, just as blood ran down this bridge. (Applause.) 
We are storytellers, writers, poets, artists who abhor unfairness, and despise hypocrisy, and give voice to the voiceless, and tell truths that need to be told.
We’re the inventors of gospel and jazz and blues, bluegrass and country, and hip-hop and rock and roll, and our very own sound with all the sweet sorrow and reckless joy of freedom.
We are Jackie Robinson, enduring scorn and spiked cleats and pitches coming straight to his head, and stealing home in the World Series anyway.  (Applause.)   
We are the people Langston Hughes wrote of who “build our temples for tomorrow, strong as we know how.”  We are the people Emerson wrote of, “who for truth and honor’s sake stand fast and suffer long;” who are “never tired, so long as we can see far enough.”
That’s what America is.  Not stock photos or airbrushed history, or feeble attempts to define some of us as more American than others.  (Applause.)  We respect the past, but we don’t pine for the past.  We don’t fear the future; we grab for it.  America is not some fragile thing.  We are large, in the words of Whitman, containing multitudes.  We are boisterous and diverse and full of energy, perpetually young in spirit.  That’s why someone like John Lewis at the ripe old age of 25 could lead a mighty march. 
And that’s what the young people here today and listening all across the country must take away from this day.  You are America.  Unconstrained by habit and convention.  Unencumbered by what is, because you’re ready to seize what ought to be. 
For everywhere in this country, there are first steps to be taken, there’s new ground to cover, there are more bridges to be crossed.  And it is you, the young and fearless at heart, the most diverse and educated generation in our history, who the nation is waiting to follow.
Because Selma shows us that America is not the project of any one person.  Because the single-most powerful word in our democracy is the word “We.”  “We The People.”  “We Shall Overcome.”  “Yes We Can.”  (Applause.)  That word is owned by no one.  It belongs to everyone.  Oh, what a glorious task we are given, to continually try to improve this great nation of ours.
Fifty years from Bloody Sunday, our march is not yet finished, but we’re getting closer.  Two hundred and thirty-nine years after this nation’s founding our union is not yet perfect, but we are getting closer.  Our job’s easier because somebody already got us through that first mile.  Somebody already got us over that bridge.  When it feels the road is too hard, when the torch we’ve been passed feels too heavy, we will remember these early travelers, and draw strength from their example, and hold firmly the words of the prophet Isaiah:  “Those who hope in the Lord will renew their strength.  They will soar on [the] wings like eagles.  They will run and not grow weary.  They will walk and not be faint.”  (Applause.) 
We honor those who walked so we could run.  We must run so our children soar.  And we will not grow weary.  For we believe in the power of an awesome God, and we believe in this country’s sacred promise.
May He bless those warriors of justice no longer with us, and bless the United States of America.  Thank you, everybody.  (Applause.) 
END
2:50 P.M. CST
Here I am, standing in the front of the Edmund Pettus Bridge with a sign that reads:
"Still Fighting For Voting Rights #SelmaThen #SelmaNow ACLU."
There remains much work to be done with regards to voting rights!


Estimates reported by the Selma Times Journal indicated approximately 80,000 people participated in the walk across the Edmund Pettus Bridge. The original march had approximately 600 people on Bloody Sunday and 2,000 people on the 2nd attempt.  It was not until Judge Frank Johnson granted permission for the march to proceed that approximately 8,000 people participated - marching 54 miles from Selma to Montgomery - which culminated in a grand total of close to 25,000 by the time protestors reached the state capitol.



Friday, April 10, 2015

Pat Summitt's Definite Dozen

Meeting Pat Summitt in the locker room after the Lady Vols 
played Vanderbilt University (Feb. 2000)

Respect Yourself and Others

  • There is no such thing as self-respect without respect for others.
  • Individual success is a myth. No one succeeds all by themselves.
  • People who do not respect those around them will not make good team members and probably lack self-esteem themselves.
  • When you ask yourself, “Do I deserve to succeed?”, make sure the answer is yes.

Take Full Responsibility

  • There are no shortcuts to success.
  • You can’t assume larger responsibility without taking responsibility for the small things, too.
  • Being responsible sometimes means making tough, unpopular decisions.
  • Admit to and make yourself accountable for mistakes. How can you improve if you’re never wrong?

Develop and Demonstrate Loyalty

  • Loyalty is not unilateral. You have to give it to receive it.
  • The family business model is a successful one because it fosters loyalty and trust.
  • Surround yourself with people who are better than you are. Seek out quality people, acknowledge their talents, and let them do their jobs. You win with people.

Learn to Be a Great Communicator

  • Communication eliminates mistakes.
  • Listening is crucial to good communication.
  • We communicate all the time, even when we don’t realize it. Be aware of body language.
  • Make good eye contact.
  • Silence is a form of communication, too. Sometimes less is more.

Discipline Yourself So No One Else Has To

  • Self-discipline helps you believe in yourself.
  • Group discipline produces a unified effort toward a common goal.
  • When disciplining others, be fair, be firm, be consistent.
  • Discipline helps you finish a job, and finishing is what separates excellent work from average work.

Make Hard Work Your Passion

  • Do the things that aren’t fun first, and do them well.
  • Plan your work, and work your plan.
  • See yourself as self-employed.

Don’t Just Work Hard, Work Smart

  • Success is about having the right person, in the right place, at the right time.
  • Know your strengths, weaknesses, and needs.
  • When you understand yourself and those around you, you are better able to minimize weaknesses and maximize strengths. Personality profiles help.

Put the Team Before Yourself

  • Teamwork doesn’t come naturally. It must be taught.
  • Teamwork allows common people to obtain uncommon results.
  • Not everyone is born to lead. Role players are critical to group success.
  • In group success there is individual success.

Make Winning an Attitude

  • Combine practice with belief.
  • Attitude is a choice. Maintain a positive outlook.
  • No one ever got anywhere by being negative.
  • Confidence is what happens when you’ve done the hard work that entitles you to succeed.

Be a Competitor

  • Competition isn’t social. It separates achievers from the average.
  • You can’t always be the most talented person in the room, but you can be the most competitive.
  • Influence your opponent: By being competitive you can affect how your adversary performs. 
  • There is nothing wrong with having competitive instincts. They are survival instincts.

Change Is a Must

  • It’s what you learn after you know it all that counts the most.
  • Change equals self-improvement. Push yourself to places you haven’t been before.
  • Take risks. You can’t steal second base with your foot on first.

Handle Success Like You Handle Failure 

  • You can’t always control what happens, but you can control how you handle it.
  • Sometimes you learn more from losing than winning. Losing forces you to reexamine.
  • It’s harder to stay on top than it is to make the climb. Continue to seek new goals.

-Taken from "Reach for the Summit: The Definite Dozen System for Succeeding at Whatever You Do" by Pat Summitt (1999)

Friday, November 1, 2013

Agents of Change: Lucy Stone & Henry Blackwell

The Woman's Journal was a weekly publication by the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) which provided a major vehicle for articulating the views regarding a desire to influence the law and command greater respect from men especially in light of the sexual violence women experienced at the hands of men.


Different advocacy groups publicized the problem of sexual assault, but Lucy Stone and Henry Blackwell's "Crimes against Women" column in the Woman's Journal provided the most extensive coverage linking sexual assault and domestic violence to women's legal disabilities (p.54).

"Stone and Blackwell had been committed abolitionists before the Civil War and ardent supporters of woman suffrage. Each had a deep personal as well as political history of questioning the legal principle of marital coverture, which included a husband's right to his wife's sexual services. The couple used the occasion of their own marriage in 1855 to register a protest against these patriarchal assumptions. Before they wed, Henry Blackwell assured Lucy Stone, 'I wish, as a husband, to renounce all the privilege which the law confers upon me, which are not strictly mutual.' Their wedding-day protest rejected legal powers that gave the husband 'an injurious and unnatural superiority...which no man should possess.' Reflecting their beliefs in the independent identities of spouses, Stone retained her family name rather than take that of her husband, a unique protest in the nineteenth century" (p. 54).


"During the 1870s and 1880s, Stone and Blackwell collected reports from around the country in the style of the crime columns typical of daily newspapers. Their "Crimes against Women" column included accounts about men who assaulted their wives, their daughters, or other women" (p.54).

Stone and Blackwell were a dynamic duo participating in Community Accountability, long before the concept was coined, and worked to address the root of gender violence: a culture that perpetually treated women as less valuable than men.

-Excerpt from "Redefining Rape: Sexual Violence in the Era of Suffrage and Segregation" by Estelle B. Freedman (2013)

Ted Sorensen's 6 Basic Rules for Speechwriting

Theodore Chaikin "Ted" Sorensen - the man who advised several Presidents over a period of 50 years, including John F. Kennedy, and was his counsel & speechwriter - compiled a list of six basic rules for speechwriting:

1.) Less Is Almost Always Better Than More
  • Make it as simple and direct as the Ten Commandments; as simple of J.P. Morgan's alleged response to the youngster who asked him the secret to the stock market: "It fluctuates." 
  • Two examples: 
    • Winston Churchill's opening line in his radio address after the fall of France in June 1940: "The news from France is very bad." Not one unclear or unnecessary word. 
    • A sign for a fish store window: "Fresh Fish for Sale Here Today." The only necessary word on that sign is "fish."
2.) Choose Each Word As A Precision Tool
  • Care and prudence in selecting the right word and sequence of words.
  • Stay out of the terminology trap.
  • Use metaphors.
3.) Organize The Text To Simplify, Clarify, Emphasize
  • A speech should flow from an outline in logical order.
  • Number points, when appropriate; each numbered paragraph can start with the same few words.
  • There should be a tightly organized, coherent, and consistent theme.
4.) Use Variety And Literary Devices To Reinforce Memorability, Not Confuse Or Distract
  • Use of Quotations 
    • "Some men see things as they are and say, 'Why?' I dream of things that never were and say, 'Why not?'"
  • Rhyming words are more easily remembered and more clearly communicated.
    • "Let every nation know...that we shall oppose any foe."
  • Alliteration and repetition can help make a speech memorable.
    • "Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate."
    • "Bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations."
5.) Employ Elevated But Not Grandiose Language
  • JFK and Sorensen tried to elevate and yet simplify his speeches; not to patronize his audiences, but to keep his sentences short, his words understandable, and his organizational structure and ideas clear.
  • Kennedy used straightforward declarations, not "maybe" or "perhaps."
  • A policy speech is not a statute, which needs to specify every detail in legally precise and comprehensive terms - nor should it be, if it is to be both enjoyed and understood by all its listeners.
6.) Substantive Ideas Are The Most Important Part Of Any Speech
  • A great speech is great because of the strong ideas conveyed, the principles, the values, the decisions.
  • If the ideas are great, the speech will be great, even if the words are pedestrian; but if the words are soaring, beautiful, eloquent, it is still not a great speech if the ideas are flaw, empty, or mean-spirited.


-Excerpt from "Counselor: A Life at the Edge of History" by Ted Sorensen (2008)

Thursday, October 31, 2013

Tip: All Politics is Local

Tip O’Neill (D-MA) lost the first race he ever ran – for the Cambridge City Council – by 160 votes because he took his neighborhood for granted. 
His father pulled him aside after the election and told him, “All politics is local. Don’t forget it.” 
He never did forget and worked hard to get elected, eventually serving as an influential Representative for the Bay State for 24 years before his rise to the Speakership of the House for an additional 10 years of service to the country.

Wednesday, October 30, 2013

The Empathetic Leadership of Straight Shooter Harry Reid

Harry Reid (D-NV) has been a U.S. Senator since 1987 and is currently the Senate Majority Leader. Throughout his 30+ years on the Hill, Reid has worked with countless individuals in his office but one particular story stands out:

"Once, a young communications adviser, Rebecca Kirszner, who had just started working in Reid's Senate office, kept misreading a phone number that Reid had been trying to dial for a radio interview. In his straight-to-the-point manner, Reid asked her, 'Do you have a learning disability?' Embarassed, she quietly said yes. Reid looked Kirszner in the eye and said, 'You must have worked twice as hard to have gotten where you are.' No one had ever said this before to Kirszner, who was taken aback, and moved. 'I did,' she whispered" (p. 79).


This approach by Senator Reid was, in so few words, classy. Being a straightforward person with empathy makes for a remarkable leader.

-Excerpt from "This Town: Two Parties and a Funeral - plus plenty of valet parking - in America's Gilded Capital" by Mark Leibovich (2013).

Bayard Rustin's Pocket Watch & Blank Paper

The March on Washington was a large-scale event in the works for months and months. Civil rights leaders worked hours on end to plan and organize this important event, which took place on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and the Washington DC Mall on August 28, 1963. On the morning of the event, there was some trepidation regarding turnout:

"A few hours later, the march's organizer, Bayard Rustin, wandered onto the Mall with some of his assistants to find security personnel and journalists outnumbering demonstrators. That morning a television news reporter in DC announced: 'Not many people seem to be showing up. It doesn't look as if it's going to be very much.' The movement had high hopes for a large turnout and had originally set a goal of 100,000. From the reservations on coaches and trains alone, they guessed they should be at least close to that figure. But when the actual morning came, that did little to calm their nerves. Reporters badgered Rustin about the ramifications for both the event and the movement if the crowd turned out to be smaller than anticipated. Rustin, forever theatrical, took a round pocket watch from his trousers and some paper from his jacket. Examining first the paper and then the watch, he turned to the reporters and said: 'Everything is right on schedule.' The piece of paper was blank." 



By the day's end, there were approximately 250,000 people in attendance for the monumental civil rights movement event which eventually led to the successful passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and later the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

-Excerpt from "The Speech: The Story Behind Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s Dream" by Gary Younge (2013).